Yingluck Shinawatra

Thaksin foi deposto por um golpe de Estado em 2006. Ele está agora no exílio para evitar ser detido, após ter sido condenado por corrupção. Newley Purnell está curioso sobre o destino [en] de Thaksin, agora que o partido dele ganhou mais uma vez nas pesquisas: 

There has been much discussion, in the past, about whether or not the army would accept another Thaksin friendly government.

Thai political pundits, in discussions on TV tonight, have referred to amnesty for Thaksin as a non-starter.

There’s no telling what could happen, they’ve said, if the exiled billionaire returns to Thailand.

But would Pheu Thai really push for amnesty?

We shall see what the weeks ahead hold in store.

Siam Voices reflete sobre as lições [en] da recente campanha eleitoral e os desafios a serem enfrentados pelo novo governo:

We’ll most likely get our first female prime minister; the opposition (both parliamentary and extra-parliamentary) have reasons to celebrate; the Democrat Party have gambled with their negative campaigning and ultimately lost while Yingluck has won not only because of her exiled brother, but also because of her soft approach; that being an straight-forward, angry underdog gets you somewhere and that Thai exit polls are crap and we should be careful not to be fooled by the flashy numbers…

What is important now is where the new government puts its priorities first and how it handles the many crisis the country is facing – how will they tackle the rising food prices? Will they try to form reconciliation, even at the cost of justice? How free will prime minister Yingluck be of influence from outside the democratic institutions and from abroad? Ultimately: Will the will of the people be heard?

Andrew Walker e Nicholas Farrelly, escrevendo para New Mandala, esperam que a Tailândia reconstrua [en] sua confiança nos processos eleitorais e democráticos:

Tonight’s result is a remarkable return to power for a political force that was forced out at the barrel of a gun on the night of 19 September 2006. In the years since then it has been constantly disrupted by royalist, military and judicial interventions. With more than 100 of its leading figures banned from politics Phaua Thai has succeeded in solidly defeating the very best the venerable Democrat Party can pitch against it.

Thailand now has an opportunity to start re-building faith in the electoral process. It would be a national tragedy if this opportunity was squandered.

Eleitora mostra seu voto. Foto da página do Posterous de Richard Barrow

Oneditorial conseguiu votar de outro país [en]:

To me, it does not matter if the party for which I voted wins the election or not. I just wanted to express my democratic right for once. If the party I don’t like wins the election, I will sincerely congratulate them. Everyone should accept the outcome whether they approve or not; otherwise the country will go back to the same chaotic cycle of Yellow and Red. Nobody likes corrupt politicians. But to address this problem, everyone should agree that it should be done within the democratic process.

Os amarelos e vermelhos, grupos mencionados por ele anteriormente, referem-se aos anti-Thaksin, manifestantes amarelos [en], que organizaram a tomada do aeroporto em 2008, enquanto os camisas vermelhas são anti-Abhisit, manifestantes que organizaram barricadas nas ruas de Bangkok no ano passado.

Robert Amsterdam, um adepto do grupo de camisas vermelhas, identifica as dificuldades [en] encontradas pela oposição:

The election result is all the more stunning when we consider the odds Pheu Thai was up against. Even with the full backing of the state, the assistance of the army, the disenfranchisement of hundreds of thousands of voters, the control of the media, the jailing of our candidates, and the disqualification of dozens of our leading politicians, the Democrats were no match for a party, and a movement, that have inspired and empowered millions of Thai citizens.

As eleições foram em geral pacíficas, embora alguns problemas também foram encontrados como: nomes dos eleitores ausentes, cédulas estragadas e violadas, longas filas nos centros de votação, e alegações de campanha ilegais.